Faced with sky-high prices, homebuyers look to leave Bay Area

Hunting for a house that’s affordable, nearly 1 in 5 home seekers living in the Bay Area is looking outside the region.

That’s the conclusion of a new analysis by Redfin. The brokerage’s inaugural “migration report” places the San Francisco metropolitan area — including San Jose and Oakland — in the No. 1 position among markets where house hunters are most likely to leave.

The brokerage sampled nearly 1 million users who looked for homes in 75 U.S. metro areas during the first three months of 2017.

Those 1 million users included about 110,000 in the San Francisco metro area, out of whom 21,300 — 19.4 percent — looked outside the region, where the cost of homes isn’t so prohibitive. The most common in-state destination for those heading toward the exits was Sacramento, while the most common out-of-state destination was Seattle.

“Fast-growing coastal cities may be generating the high-paying jobs, but they haven’t created enough budget-friendly housing to keep pace. The price of real estate and desire for homeownership is compelling many to uproot and seek housing in more affordable communities,” said Nela Richardson, Redfin’s chief economist. “Even a Bay Area family with two solid incomes can struggle to afford a modest home. For many, the only path to homeownership is to pack up and move out.”

The analysis follows last month’s poll by the Bay Area Council showing that 40 percent of Bay Area residents — fed up with housing prices and traffic — want to leave in the next few years. Among millennials, the share of disgruntled residents is even higher: 46 percent want to get out, according to the poll.

With the housing supply at record low levels, competition among buyers has continued to push prices higher. The offerings tend to be scant: The California Association of Realtors reported Monday that pending sales in the Bay Area were down in March for the sixth straight month on a year-over-year basis.

Redfin’s new report shows the San Francisco metro area has the highest “net outflow” of users: 15,087. That figure is the difference between the number of potential homebuyers who want to move to the San Francisco metro area and the number who want to leave it; a lot more want to leave than come.

New York had the second highest “net outflow,” followed by Los Angeles, Washington, D.C., and Chicago.

Article source: http://www.mercurynews.com/2017/04/24/sjm-homeexit-0425/

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In Bay Area, six-figure salaries are "low income"

In the high-priced Bay Area, even some households that bring in six figures a year can now be considered “low income.”

That’s according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, which recently released its 2017 income limits — a threshold that determines who can qualify for affordable and subsidized housing programs such as Section 8 vouchers.

San Francisco and San Mateo counties have the highest limits in the Bay Area — and among the highest such numbers in the country. A family of four with an income of $105,350 per year is considered “low income.”  A $65,800 annual income is considered “very low” for a family the same size, and $39,500 is “extremely low.” The median income for those areas is $115,300.

Other Bay Area counties are not far behind. In Alameda and Contra Costa counties, $80,400 for a family of four is considered low income, while in Santa Clara County, $84,750 is the low-income threshold for a family of four.

e81e1 cct income 0421 web In Bay Area, six figure salaries are "low income"The eye-popping numbers are harsh reality for Demetrio Gonzalez, a Richmond resident with multiple higher education degrees, including a master’s in education, who supports the work of approximately 1,700 educators in West Contra Costa Unified School District in his position as president of the United Teachers of Richmond. With an income of $48,000, it’s a challenge for him to live in the Bay Area. By the time he pays rent for a home he shares with four roommates, including teachers, along with student loans, food, travel, phone and car payments, he has about $300 left each month.

“With this income, I don’t think it is possible to create a future in the place I love and the place I work,” he said. “When I decide to buy a home — if possible — I’ll have to look elsewhere.”

The new federal income limits are higher than last year and previous years, a reflection of the rising incomes and cost of living in the Bay Area. The increases will allow people at the upper tiers of the “low-income” limits access to some affordable housing programs from which they were previously disqualified.

“We’ve significantly increased income limits at every income level — that means more housing opportunity (because it) broadens the pool of individuals and families (who are considered low income),” said Ed Cabrera, a regional public affairs officer for HUD. “I think it’s fair to say that these income limits are one way to gauge livability and affordability.”

Jeff Levin, policy director for East Bay Housing Organizations, said the market has shifted “dramatically” over the past two decades, forcing renters to spend significantly more on average than they have in previous years.

In Oakland, the median income for renter households is around $40,000, which means that more than half of all renter families qualify as very low income, Levin said. Most of those families are paying more than half their income for housing costs.

Moriah Larkins is one of them. Larkins makes $15.50 an hour working at Home Depot and spends at least 40 percent of that on her HUD-subsidized apartment in West Oakland, she said. Sometimes, it’s even more than that.

“It’s not even enough living in subsidized rent,” Larkins said of living in the costly Bay Area.

Michael Santero, director of asset management for San Jose-based First Community Housing, said it’s easy to see the increased need for affordable housing right now, as more people flock to affordable housing programs offered by First Community Housing and others in the face of rapidly rising housing costs. While the new HUD income limits broaden the group of people eligible for such programs, it doesn’t help alleviate the demand for such housing. It’s up to developers and cities to provide more supply.

“There is a huge demand for anything that’s remotely affordable. … People aren’t moving out at all,” Santero said. “Even in an affordable unit, I’d have people moving out often in summer in a normal market, but now we get hardly any notices.”

Roxanne Calimeris, 27, a social worker who lives in Oakland, said she was shocked at the level of competition for getting an apartment in that city. An employee of Alameda County, Calimeris makes about $82,000 per year, putting her well above the “low income” limit of $56,300 for a single person in the East Bay, but even on that salary, living in the region isn’t easy. Rent costs her about $1,200 per month, for an apartment she shares with her sister (“I knew I couldn’t get my own place,” Calimeris said), and an extra $600 in student loans and $250 for a car payment eat into the rest of her paycheck.

Some Bay Area cities have seen average rents soften a bit, but they’re still higher than much of the country. According to ApartmentList.com, the median monthly cost of a two-bedroom apartment was $2,550 in San Jose by the end of last year. In Oakland, it was around $2,500, and in San Francisco, it was a cool $4,550. Even places in the East Bay suburbs, where many have flocked to find rent relief, were expensive. Pleasanton’s median for a two-bedroom was $2,770, and in Concord, it was $1,900 per month.

Not surprisingly, the Bay Area HUD income limits are higher than other metropolitan areas in the country. In the Seattle area, $72,000 per year is considered “low income” for a family of four, while in Boston, the limit is $78,150. In Los Angeles County, $72,100 is “low.”

Jennifer Lin, deputy director of the East Bay Alliance for a Sustainable Economy, said that while more people are falling into the “low-income” bracket, it’s important to remember how many people are still struggling to make it work at the lowest income levels.

“For every household who makes $80,000, there are many who make much less,” Lin said, pointing to minimum-wage earners in Oakland, for example, whose $12.86-per-hour wage adds up to under $27,000 a year. Even when the minimum wage across the state hits $15 per hour by 2022, workers will make just $31,200 annually (working 40 hours per week every week of the year).

A member of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, Larkins, the Home Depot employee, has been active in campaigns to improve wages for herself and others in low-wage industries like retail. While such efforts have been successful in lifting minimum wages across the state, it can still be a struggle for those workers to survive in the Bay Area.

“Minimum wage is going up, but it would be different if the cost of living was the same as when I was a teenager,” Larkins said. “Minimum wage goes up, and the cost of living goes up.”

Article source: http://www.mercurynews.com/2017/04/22/in-costly-bay-area-even-six-figure-salaries-are-considered-low-income/

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By Weakening Law, Developers Shift Sea Rise Burden to Cities

California politicians expressed outrage in March when details of a White House budget proposal suggested President Trump would slash a $1 billion environmental grant for restoring San Francisco Bay marshes. And they were apoplectic about the executive order revoking special status for wetlands considered until now to be “waters of the United States.”

But when it comes to weakening environmental protections, sometimes California’s wounds are self-inflicted. For nearly a decade, the real estate and construction industries have pursued a legal strategy that has undermined the landmark 1970 state law that some cities had used to help protect their waterfronts from sea level rise, a Public Press review of thousands of pages of legal and planning documents shows.

After lower courts chipped away at the long-held interpretation of the California Environmental Quality Act, the state Supreme Court in 2015 overturned decades of land-use law by upholding lower court rulings that cities could no longer require developers to take into account the effects of climate change on their projects. The decision has unsettled public officials and planners, and critics say it will allow real estate interests to saddle taxpayers with a gigantic bill to defend against rising seas.

At the same time, the state Legislature, controlled by the Democrats, and Gov. Jerry Brown have neither proposed amending the law nor drafted new statutes to encompass the effects of climate change on coastal development. In January, Brown tasked scientists with reviewing the latest research on sea level rise, and preliminary guidance and preliminary guidance was published in April.

Local and regional governments also have been slow to respond with new regulations or funding measures.

Lawyers who specialize in compliance have circulated memos and held several meetings to share strategies for conforming to this interpretation of CEQA. Although many project plans do address sea level rise, public filings are now peppered with references to the 2015 case to inoculate developers from challenges by planning agencies or environmental groups.

The development industry has a lot at stake. Scores of buildings are queued up for construction on prime waterfront land that scientists say could be intermittently or permanently underwater by the end of this century. These include big projects such as office parks, residential towers, hospitals and entertainment venues in which some of the largest development firms in the country have collectively invested tens of billions of dollars.

Local leaders have touted tax revenues and their own political legacies to advocate large-scale development along the water’s edge — even amid warnings from climate researchers that many low-lying areas will require major public investment to be protected adequately.

The state’s highest court has complicated governmental planning efforts.

The decisive case, California Building Industry Association v. Bay Area Air Quality Management District, did not turn specifically on sea level rise but ultimately limited the reach of the California Environmental Quality Act, known as CEQA. In their opinion, the justices accepted the argument from one of the state’s biggest developer lobbying groups that the act concerned only the “effects of a project on the environment,” and not changes in the environment that could affect a project. Those include risks from sea level rise flooding, wildfires, earthquakes, shifting wind patterns, air quality and carbon emissions that warm the atmosphere.

As a result, industry lawyers argue that under CEQA, waterfront developers no longer appear to be required to pay for expensive fixes to protect their properties from flooding by elevating building entrances, waterproofing ground floors, constructing levees or seawalls or using other engineering techniques.

RELATED: Timeline of Rulings, Actions That Blunted CEQA

The Public Press found that since 2011, developers of at least eight major Bay Area waterfront projects have included key language from court rulings in dozens of land-use filings and lawsuits, some in an effort to block requirements to build or pay for flood protection measures. Six of the projects used this tactic in environmental planning documents filed after the high court’s ruling in December 2015. Among our findings:

  • Statewide, developers, cities, environmentalists and others have argued about the scope of CEQA in at least 15 real estate lawsuits since 2009, when courts in Southern California began reviewing challenges to the law.
  • Two cities — San Francisco and Menlo Park — have used the Supreme Court’s decision upholding the CEQA reinterpretation to justify their own land-use plans.
  • Three companies seeking to build on the San Francisco Bay waterfront have used the industry association case to attack regulations or suits: the Golden State Warriors; Facebook, which expanded its Menlo Park campus; and the Redwood Landfill in Novato. Developers of five other major projects, including the mixed-use development at Pier 70 in San Francisco being built by Forest City, cited the language limiting CEQA in environmental review documents or in court when analyzing sea level rise, air quality, wind or other environmental effects.

In July 2015, the Public Press reported that scientists projected that sea level rise, combined with the severe storm surge, could push the bay 8 feet above today’s high tide by 2100. Leading agencies, such as the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission, concurred with that finding. A citywide task force last year issued a wide-ranging report outlining the dangers to the city’s heavily urbanized eastern waterfront.

Since then, predictions for sea level rise have only worsened. Scientific papers have documented the accelerated melting of ice sheets in Antarctica and glaciers in Canada — both the result of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gas pollution from industrial activity. These measurements, combined with new atmospheric models, have pushed the federal upper-limit prediction for occasional flooding above 8 feet along the California coast by 2100, even without a storm. (For more on the science see Local Planners Brace For Antarctic Ice Melt.)

Despite growing alarm, local land-use approvals on the waterfront seem to have speeded up. At least eight large-scale developments situated below 8 feet in elevation are proposed, including a residential tower on Howard Street in San Francisco and a marina in Alameda, the island city that could be more than half flooded by 2100, according to the most pessimistic sea rise scenario. (See Solutions to Bayfront Inundation)

QA: History Will Condemn Today’s Leaders for Inaction

The building industry’s main critique of CEQA is that it is abused by opponents of development. Industry lawyers tell stories of “not in my backyard” neighbors tying up or derailing what they call perfectly benign projects with what developers consider picayune complaints about auto traffic, wind patterns or shadows cast in parks.

Major local industry players, such as the Bay Area Council and Bay Planning Coalition, supported the effort to dismantle key portions of the law. “Requiring developers to account for external environmental impacts on projects was never the intent of CEQA and would mark a profound and fundamental change in the law, creating unreasonable and extremely costly barriers to infill development that is our best opportunity to address our housing crisis,” said Rufus Jeffris, vice president of communications at the Bay Area Council.

The push-back on the use of CEQA to address climate change, however, goes a step beyond the usual complaints by neighbors. In its Supreme Court case, the California Building Industry Association argued that the law “really is not the right tool” to address sea level rise. Andrew Sabey, an attorney with Cox, Castle Nicholson, who represented the association, said cities do not need state law to do their jobs.

“There is a robust world of planning and zoning law, a robust world of federal or state laws that can be considered,” Sabey said.

Cities, he said, “should be doing planning and exercising their police powers. It goes back to the analogy that isn’t perfect: A lot of legislative muscles were allowed to atrophy. You have planning law. You should be using it.”

But Chris Kern, a city planner in San Francisco, said that for years his office relied on CEQA to regulate private development threatened by flooding, and that no existing local ordinances allow him to require changes to developments that may become unsafe as the bay rises and storm related flooding becomes more frequent.

Some environmental lawyers who use CEQA to challenge developments worry that real estate interests are passing off costs to the taxpayers. Government agencies could be on the hook for protecting poorly defended buildings that they are still permitting for construction.

“It’s so wrong,” said Doug Carstens, a managing partner of Chatten-Brown Carstens, a law firm based in Southern California that represents environmental and community groups. He said developers are arguing that a problem exists — but it is no longer their problem.

“People have these concerns and want answers, and developers are saying, ‘We don’t have to give you an answer,’” Carstens said. “It’s putting blinders on.”

According to Richard Frank, director of the California Environmental Law and Policy Center at the University of California, Davis, developers are working hard to consolidate their state court victory. “They will continue to argue for a limited application of the California Environmental Quality Act whenever they can,” Frank said.

Basketball by the Bay

The waterfront’s latest marquee project — the future San Francisco home of the Golden State Warriors basketball team — broke ground in January.

The project, which includes the arena and a nearby office complex, sits directly across the street from San Francisco Bay and a few feet above the current level of the water. (The exact height has changed in successive drafts of the architectural renderings.) When it opens for the 2019-2020 season, the newly christened Chase Center will anchor the city’s 303-acre Mission Bay neighborhood, south of downtown, where new offices, medical campuses and residential buildings are rising every year.

In March, Uber Technologies announced that it had acquired a significant stake in two office towers within the arena project, and that thousands of employees would occupy half of the 580,000 square feet of office space.

The Warriors’ last environmental report, approved in 2015 by the Planning Commission, acknowledged that sea level rise could get bad enough to flood plazas and the arena’s basement during a storm in 2100.

Possible remedies include berms around the perimeter or, in a pinch, strategically placed sandbags. (For more on San Francisco’s sea-rise planning in Mission Bay, see Projects Sailed Through Despite Dire Flood Study.)

Despite these challenges, San Francisco Mayor Ed Lee remains a champion of the arena, which he has called his “legacy project.” He stood alongside executives and basketball players to plunge a ceremonial golden shovel into a dirt pile at a groundbreaking ceremony on Jan. 17. The team defeated a bitter legal challenge in November by arguing, in part, that CEQA no longer required the team to protect against environmental impacts such as sea level rise and wind.

San Francisco City Attorney Dennis Herrera celebrated the rigorous legal defense in a press release: “A small group of opponents had threatened to litigate ‘until the cows come home,’ despite losing in court every step of the way,” he wrote. “Well, guess what? The cows have come home.”

This is a crucial moment for environmental planning in California. Last fall, Brown declared California would lead the battle to prepare for the effects of climate change. In a fiery speech in San Francisco’s Moscone Center before thousands of scientists, Brown said California would step in where Washington had failed to do the right thing.

Policies articulated by the Trump administration have focused on reducing funding for some of the programs most cherished by California environmentalists. One such grant is the S.F. Bay Water Quality Improvement Fund. It is a major contributor to a 50-year wetland restoration project that is expected to cost $1 billion, from a mix of federal, state and local sources. Last summer voters across the Bay Area passed Measure AA, which levies a $12-per-parcel tax to pay into the fund.

Responding to threats to defund NASA’s Earth Science division, Brown issued a headline-grabbing one-liner: “If Trump turns off the satellites, California will launch its own damn satellite.”

But land-use regulation is generally less high profile than energy policy or climate research. More than a year after the state court ruling, the state has not given much help to local governments. The Office of Planning and Research, which Brown oversees, has proposed new guidance for local governments on how to interpret CEQA in light of the court’s ruling. But an early draft suggests that it will not recommend that cities or courts continue to use CEQA as a regulatory tool to address climate change.

In November, the California Building Industry Association sent a letter to the planning agency requesting that any new rules include direct language from the court’s opinion. In January, the planning and research office posted the letter online after the Public Press filed a public records request.

Brown has criticized CEQA since at least 2012, and called for local land-use policy to be streamlined. The reform, he said, was “the Lord’s work.”

Last year, he pushed for the deregulation of new market-rate developments that included affordable housing. Brown’s proposal to award these projects approval without environmental review — the so-called as-of-right provision — faced fierce opposition from environmental and labor groups and failed to win support in the Legislature.

Local Response Muted

In summer 2015, the Public Press calculated that Bay Area builders had invested more than $21 billion in 27 major new shoreline developments in areas vulnerable to sea level rise. Records showed that in San Francisco alone, scores of smaller buildings in the Financial District, Mission Bay and South of Market could also end up under water. (For articles and interactive maps, visit sfpublicpress.org/searise.) While many cities touching the bay said they were studying the problem, few had set any limits on development, such as zoning and building codes.

San Francisco Planning Department officials said at the time that they required developers to raise the land or set buildings back. Using the reporting process outlined by CEQA, planners provided developers with a checklist that included a review of the effects of future flooding and references to the most up-to-date sea rise predictions. Kern, the senior planner, said CEQA was a nimble tool that could adapt with the changing science. But after the ruling, while the department could encourage developers to address rising seas, it could no longer force them to do so.

Kern said cities might need to adopt new regulations. “That is something that we have been discussing in the city for some time,” he said. A committee convened by the mayor last year said that any such proposal would come by 2018 at the earliest.

Sea level rise was not the focus of the state Supreme Court ruling. At issue were strict pollution standards for allowing development in areas with dirty air. The ruling criticized what lawyers called the “reverse application” of the state law: “Agencies generally subject to CEQA are not required to analyze the impact of existing environmental conditions on a project’s future users or residents.”

That wording left many planners, developers, lawyers and policymakers confused about the circumstances in which climate change might be relevant. Lower courts may bring more clarity by ruling in future cases in which developments “exacerbate existing environmental hazards.”

Ellison Folk, a partner in the environmental firm Shute, Mihaly Weinberger, represented the Bay Area Air Quality Management District in the case. She said the ruling created a “gap” in regulation. “I think agencies have the ability to do this kind of analysis and regulate to address sea level rise,” she said. “You can still use the CEQA process as your vehicle for doing that — because the Supreme Court said that if you want to do that, you can. There’s just nothing that requires you to.”

Without new state or local laws, many environmentalists place their hopes in regional planning. The Bay Conservation and Development Commission, which was formed 50 years ago to stop developers from filling in the bay, voted in October to create a region wide climate adaptation plan. But the agency’s own land-use jurisdiction is limited to 100 feet inland from the shoreline, so its challenge will be to cajole normally competitive cities to work together.

Larry Goldzband, the executive director, said that with water now creeping inland, cities on the shoreline will face hard choices.

“Everybody in the Bay Area who deals with planning, or is a planner, or has to work with planners recognizes the bay is going to get bigger, and we have to figure out how we’re going to prosper in spite of that,” he said.

One unfortunate possibility, he said, is abandonment of the lowest-lying ground: “Retreat may well become necessary.”

Developers Begin Legal Challenges

The “reverse application” of CEQA first came under scrutiny in a 1995 appellate court case, Baird v. County of Contra Costa, which centered on an addiction treatment organization that planned to add a 20-bed treatment center for teenage boys. Neighbors sued, saying nearby land was contaminated with petroleum in open ponds at a former Shell Oil plant. The court held that a developer did not need to consider how existing toxic hazards might affect new residents. “The purpose of CEQA is to protect the environment from proposed projects, not to protect proposed projects from the existing environment,” the judge wrote. But this case was considered an outlier and was not relied on as precedent. Lawyers and judges largely ignored its arguments for more than a decade.

Then in 2009, conservative appellate courts in Southern California began repeating language from Baird. In City of Long Beach v. Los Angeles Unified School District, another court held that CEQA did not require the district to mitigate the effects of toxic air pollution when constructing a school close to a freeway.

In South Orange County Wastewater Authority v. City of Dana Point in 2011, the Court of Appeal held that CEQA did not require residents of a proposed subdivision to mitigate odors from a wastewater treatment plant. “The Legislature did not enact CEQA to protect people from the environment,” according to the ruling.

Sea level rise first came under consideration in Ballona Wetlands Land Trust v. City of Los Angeles in 2011. Developer Playa Capital wanted to build condominium and commercial space on a wetland in Los Angeles. The land trust sued, saying the developer did not adequately “discuss impacts relating to sea level rise as a result of global climate change.”

Again borrowing language from Baird, the court argued that CEQA did not apply. The purpose of state-mandated environmental impact reports, it said, “is to identify the significant effects of a project on the environment, not the significant effects of the environment on the project.” After Ballona, some Bay Area developers similarly argued that they no longer had to offer engineering solutions to climate related flood risks.

In 2012, Facebook submitted designs for its new 430,000-square-foot headquarters in Menlo Park, parts of which were just a few dozen yards across from — and a few feet above — San Francisco Bay. The documents claimed that structures would be “raised above future flood risk.”

But officials from the Bay Conservation and Development Commission, the city of East Palo Alto and Save the Bay found the plan to be “inadequate” and asked for “possible options for providing adequate flood protection.”

Facebook followed the anti- CEQA lawyers’ script on how to challenge the law’s authority. Quoting Ballona, the company argued that the review process required developers to “evaluate the effects of the project on the environment, not the effect of the environment on the project.”

The answer satisfied the Menlo Park City Council, which approved the project. The facility opened for business in March 2015.

Late last year, Menlo Park changed its general plan, proposing new transportation and significant building in the neighborhoods of Belle Haven, Flood Triangle, Suburban Park and Lorelei Manor. During public comment, one resident challenged city planners to “detail the number of new residential units and the amount of nonresidential square footage that would be added in areas prone to sea level rise.”

The city responded that it required new development to be elevated 2 feet above the level that the Federal Emergency Management Agency now considers part of the flood zone — a standard that the agency has never updated to account for sea level rise predictions.

Like private development lawyers, the city echoed the recent court cases: “The environment’s effects on a proposed project, which includes sea level rise, are not considered impacts under CEQA.”

A similar fight emerged around a shoreline garbage dump in Marin County. A San Anselmo-based environmental group, No Wetlands Landfill Expansion, filed suit in mid-2012 challenging the state-approved enlargement of the Redwood Landfill in Novato, the largest such facility in the county.

The landfill is near San Francisco Bay and the Petaluma River, and levees would need to be fortified and expanded in five to 10 years. “There is no indication how Redwood must design and construct the levees,” environmentalists wrote. Officials said levees were last expanded in 2008. Landfill representatives said in court filings that Redwood did not want to commit to levee expansion, given the “unknowns associated with sea level rise,” but promised to review and update flood-protection plans every few years. Again, landfill lawyers employed the same CEQA-limiting language as in other cases.

Initially, the appeals court judges were skeptical and agreed to review the climate change analysis. They said that if water breached a levee, thousands of pounds of solid waste would pour into the river and ultimately the bay. This would clearly be “an impact on the environment.”

But after reviewing the company’s planning documents, the judges ruled in favor of the landfill, saying they trusted the company to review levee improvements every five years for “the entire remaining operating life of the landfill.”

Redwood Landfill staff did not respond to requests for comment. Rebecca Ng, deputy director of Marin County’s environmental health department, said the expansion had not begun.

Lawyers Strategize Next Moves

The court rulings have strengthened the hand of lawyers working for the building industry, who gathered several times in the last year to plan their next moves on behalf of developers.

On Oct. 5, 2016, the Bay Planning Coalition, whose mission is to convene industry and municipal groups around development and watershed issues, held a meeting billed as an “expert briefing” at the law office of Wendell Rosen Black Dean in downtown Oakland. CEQA experts distributed case summaries with key conclusions and language that could be worked directly into environmental impact reports. The main agenda item addressed the nuances of the 2015 California Building Industry Association ruling from the state Supreme Court. Planners and policymakers from local governments were invited.

Sabey, the building industry association lawyer, works at 50 California St. in San Francisco, which attorneys jokingly call “CEQA headquarters,” where the political sausage of Bay Area real estate development is made.

While lawyers on other floors of the building — which has sweeping views of the bay, including hundreds of acres of land that could someday be below sea level — may disagree, Sabey said cities have relied too much on the California Environmental Quality Act.

“There will be that case where sea level rise is a CEQA issue,” he said, “but it should be a rare bird, where you are causing an impact because of your project.”

Subramaniam Vincent contributed data analysis to this report. The story was updated to include details about wetland restoration programs in San Francisco Bay.

Article source: http://sfpublicpress.org/news/searise/2017-04/by-weakening-law-developers-shift-sea-rise-burden-to-cities

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Bay Area real estate market leaves many priced out of hometown

A neighbor recently asked if I would be attending an upcoming Walnut Creek city council meeting. She wanted to join other residents in expressing anger about all the construction of apartment buildings downtown.

“I’m so sick about all the overdevelopment in Walnut Creek,” she explained.

I replied that I had something else to do that night. But I wanted to say much more, and not just as someone who agrees with planning experts that the Bay Area’s serious housing shortage poses a dire threat to our region’s economy, socio-economic diversity and long-term quality of life.

I wanted to tell her that I’m not all that angry about the construction — not if it helps alleviate this city’s housing shortage and, in turn, provides more places to live that are affordable to people like me and my husband, who aren’t rich or near rich.

I’m a reporter, and my husband works for a nonprofit that serves homeless people in West Oakland — not the most lucrative professions. Our combined income puts us in the “moderate” income category for Walnut Creek. Others in this category include include elementary school teachers, mental health counselors, social workers, plumbers, transportation workers and legal secretaries. It could also include the children of long-time residents who are starting their careers or families and want to continue to make this city home.

But guess what? There aren’t many apartment or single-family home options available to us moderate types in Walnut Creek, according to a presentation at that city council meeting I didn’t attend, but later watched on video.

Right now, my husband and I are not looking because we’re fortunate enough to live in my late parents’ home in an old neighborhood near downtown. But who knows? Perhaps we’ll decide that we can’t handle the upkeep for this 65-year-old structure and its quarter-acre yard. Maybe my siblings and I will decide it’s best to sell.

Then what? The prospect leaves me feeling sad and anxious. I never imagined I would be at a point in my life where I wouldn’t be able to afford to live in Walnut Creek, my hometown.

ff87c marthaross house1 Bay Area real estate market leaves many priced out of hometown
The Walnut Creek home when Martha Ross’ parents purchased it in 1952 (Martha Ross). 

And when I say “home,” I mean it. I was born here, at the Kaiser medical center in downtown. A few days later, I was carried into my parent’s house a half-mile away. I went to local schools and hung out with friends at the old Festival movie theater, swam at the city pools and, on weekends and in the summer, explored local creeks and open spaces.

I confess I didn’t always see myself as staying here, especially after I went away to college and got married. In our 20s and early 30s, my husband and I lived in other places that seemed more cosmopolitan, like San Francisco or even Thailand.

But a few months before 9/11, family circumstances brought us back to Walnut Creek, and I became one of those odd ducks living in the house in which I grew up. I raised my son in this house and in this town. He attended the same elementary school I did and likewise enjoyed movies downtown or playing in local pools and parks while I re-established ties to old friends. I also reestablished my career as a journalist and fell in love with writing about a place I’ve come to realize has always been fundamental to who I am.

And now, this housing crisis is telling me that maybe I don’t belong here after all — that maybe I don’t deserve to call Walnut Creek and the Bay Area home because I didn’t have the foresight to buy a home before the market went nuts, or because I don’t make enough money now, or because I didn’t make other life choices — like go into corporate PR or marry a more prosperous partner.

According to that city council presentation, a “moderate” income for a three-person household is between $67,650 and $101,050. But the median rental price is no longer affordable to low- or moderate-income households that don’t want to spend more than 30 percent of annual incomes on housing, said Margot Ernst, the city’s housing program manager. Rents for two bedrooms in March ranged from $1,800 to $5,500, with many of the available units being on the pricier end. Ernst added that around 70 percent of people who work in Walnut Creek belong in the very low- to moderate-income categories.

And that brings me back to my friends and neighbors who complain about the city allowing more apartments to be built.

I certainly share their frustration with the traffic and parking headaches  — a situation that’s replicated in gentrifying neighborhoods and towns across the Bay Area as they enjoy a post-recession boom in high tech and other industries.

I, too, get annoyed when it seems like the city council is letting developers slide on their responsibility to do more to ease the parking, traffic and infrastructure problems they contribute to.

But I find myself growing impatient with the anti-growth sentiment. That’s because it’s almost always expressed by people who already own their homes and aren’t terrified that they could be displaced by sudden rent hikes that are becoming all too common these days.

Moreover, this sentiment is often accompanied by complaints about the denigration of the city’s “quality of life.” People lament how Walnut Creek is losing its quiet, small-town feel to urbanization — as if that ship didn’t sail years ago.

c4cc3 sjm lifestory 0423 01 Bay Area real estate market leaves many priced out of hometown
The courtyard at the grand opening of Arboleda Apartments, an affordable housing project in Walnut Creek. (Susan Tripp Pollard/Bay Area News Group) 

Some also claim that potential new apartment dwellers will ruin our wonderful schools with their kids crowding into classrooms — a claim that has been characterized as overblown by school officials. And some go so far as to paint future apartment dwellers — a sizeable number of whom would qualify for affordable housing — as “undesirables” who might bring in crime.

Wow! As someone who might qualify for affordable housing, I guess that makes me undesirable.

Of course, the situation is much worse in other towns and for other people. In Palo Alto, people who earn up to $250,000 a year can qualify for affordable housing — as if it were plentiful in a place that’s become home to mega-rich Silicon Valley elites.

Meanwhile, the people who are truly suffering in this crisis are the elderly and disabled living on fixed incomes or on Social Security, or the poor, working class and minorities who can’t afford so-called market rate housing. For many people to keep their Bay Area jobs, they must relocate to exurbs in the Central Valley and face long daily commutes that can erode their mental and physical health and family life. So much for their quality of life.

Talk to any city planner or affordable housing expert, and they will explain the complex economic, social and land-use reasons the Bay Area is now mired in this crisis. One important factor they also cite is community resistance to new housing. These experts say hard-core resistance won’t preserve anyone’s quality of life. Rather, it will  keep out the people who make our communities function and who make them more interesting, diverse and well-rounded places to live.

Walnut Creek has always been  pretty welcoming to different kinds of people, including rich and poor, and it’s doing more than most Bay Area cities to address our housing crisis. In any case, I can’t see that my hometown’s quality of life will fare well in the long term if doesn’t continue to make itself  home to all sorts of people, even natives like me.

Article source: http://www.mercurynews.com/2017/04/21/bay-area-housing-crisis-blues-feeling-too-poor-to-stay-in-my-hometown/

Posted in SF Bay Area News | Tagged | Leave a comment

Commentary: What it feels like to be priced out of my own hometown

A neighbor recently asked if I would be attending an upcoming Walnut Creek city council meeting. She wanted to join other residents in expressing anger about all the construction of apartment buildings downtown.

“I’m so sick about all the overdevelopment in Walnut Creek,” she explained.

I replied that I had something else to do that night. But I wanted to say much more, and not just as someone who agrees with planning experts that the Bay Area’s serious housing shortage poses a dire threat to our region’s economy, socio-economic diversity and long-term quality of life.

I wanted to tell her that I’m not all that angry about the construction — not if it helps alleviate this city’s housing shortage and, in turn, provides more places to live that are affordable to people like me and my husband, who aren’t rich or near rich.

I’m a reporter, and my husband works for a nonprofit that serves homeless people in West Oakland — not the most lucrative professions. Our combined income puts us in the “moderate” income category for Walnut Creek. Others in this category include include elementary school teachers, mental health counselors, social workers, plumbers, transportation workers and legal secretaries. It could also include the children of long-time residents who are starting their careers or families and want to continue to make this city home.

But guess what? There aren’t many apartment or single-family home options available to us moderate types in Walnut Creek, according to a presentation at that city council meeting I didn’t attend, but later watched on video.

Right now, my husband and I are not looking because we’re fortunate enough to live in my late parents’ home in an old neighborhood near downtown. But who knows? Perhaps we’ll decide that we can’t handle the upkeep for this 65-year-old structure and its quarter-acre yard. Maybe my siblings and I will decide it’s best to sell.

Then what? The prospect leaves me feeling sad and anxious. I never imagined I would be at a point in my life where I wouldn’t be able to afford to live in Walnut Creek, my hometown.

9938a marthaross house1 Commentary: What it feels like to be priced out of my own hometown
The Walnut Creek home when Martha Ross’ parents purchased it in 1952 (Martha Ross). 

And when I say “home,” I mean it. I was born here, at the Kaiser medical center in downtown. A few days later, I was carried into my parent’s house a half-mile away. I went to local schools and hung out with friends at the old Festival movie theater, swam at the city pools and, on weekends and in the summer, explored local creeks and open spaces.

I confess I didn’t always see myself as staying here, especially after I went away to college and got married. In our 20s and early 30s, my husband and I lived in other places that seemed more cosmopolitan, like San Francisco or even Thailand.

But a few months before 9/11, family circumstances brought us back to Walnut Creek, and I became one of those odd ducks living in the house in which I grew up. I raised my son in this house and in this town. He attended the same elementary school I did and likewise enjoyed movies downtown or playing in local pools and parks while I re-established ties to old friends. I also reestablished my career as a journalist and fell in love with writing about a place I’ve come to realize has always been fundamental to who I am.

And now, this housing crisis is telling me that maybe I don’t belong here after all — that maybe I don’t deserve to call Walnut Creek and the Bay Area home because I didn’t have the foresight to buy a home before the market went nuts, or because I don’t make enough money now, or because I didn’t make other life choices — like go into corporate PR or marry a more prosperous partner.

According to that city council presentation, a “moderate” income for a three-person household is between $67,650 and $101,050. But the median rental price is no longer affordable to low- or moderate-income households that don’t want to spend more than 30 percent of annual incomes on housing, said Margot Ernst, the city’s housing program manager. Rents for two bedrooms in March ranged from $1,800 to $5,500, with many of the available units being on the pricier end. Ernst added that around 70 percent of people who work in Walnut Creek belong in the very low- to moderate-income categories.

And that brings me back to my friends and neighbors who complain about the city allowing more apartments to be built.

I certainly share their frustration with the traffic and parking headaches  — a situation that’s replicated in gentrifying neighborhoods and towns across the Bay Area as they enjoy a post-recession boom in high tech and other industries.

I, too, get annoyed when it seems like the city council is letting developers slide on their responsibility to do more to ease the parking, traffic and infrastructure problems they contribute to.

But I find myself growing impatient with the anti-growth sentiment. That’s because it’s almost always expressed by people who already own their homes and aren’t terrified that they could be displaced by sudden rent hikes that are becoming all too common these days.

Moreover, this sentiment is often accompanied by complaints about the denigration of the city’s “quality of life.” People lament how Walnut Creek is losing its quiet, small-town feel to urbanization — as if that ship didn’t sail years ago.

9938a sjm lifestory 0423 01 Commentary: What it feels like to be priced out of my own hometown
The courtyard at the grand opening of Arboleda Apartments, an affordable housing project in Walnut Creek. (Susan Tripp Pollard/Bay Area News Group) 

Some also claim that potential new apartment dwellers will ruin our wonderful schools with their kids crowding into classrooms — a claim that has been characterized as overblown by school officials. And some go so far as to paint future apartment dwellers — a sizeable number of whom would qualify for affordable housing — as “undesirables” who might bring in crime.

Wow! As someone who might qualify for affordable housing, I guess that makes me undesirable.

Of course, the situation is much worse in other towns and for other people. In Palo Alto, people who earn up to $250,000 a year can qualify for affordable housing — as if it were plentiful in a place that’s become home to mega-rich Silicon Valley elites.

Meanwhile, the people who are truly suffering in this crisis are the elderly and disabled living on fixed incomes or on Social Security, or the poor, working class and minorities who can’t afford so-called market rate housing. For many people to keep their Bay Area jobs, they must relocate to exurbs in the Central Valley and face long daily commutes that can erode their mental and physical health and family life. So much for their quality of life.

Talk to any city planner or affordable housing expert, and they will explain the complex economic, social and land-use reasons the Bay Area is now mired in this crisis. One important factor they also cite is community resistance to new housing. These experts say hard-core resistance won’t preserve anyone’s quality of life. Rather, it will  keep out the people who make our communities function and who make them more interesting, diverse and well-rounded places to live.

Walnut Creek has always been  pretty welcoming to different kinds of people, including rich and poor, and it’s doing more than most Bay Area cities to address our housing crisis. In any case, I can’t see that my hometown’s quality of life will fare well in the long term if doesn’t continue to make itself  home to all sorts of people, even natives like me.

Article source: http://www.mercurynews.com/2017/04/21/bay-area-housing-crisis-blues-feeling-too-poor-to-stay-in-my-hometown/

Posted in SF Bay Area News | Tagged | Leave a comment